Post by Walter SickertAmerican Beheaded on Web Video. Militants Say Killing Was Revenge for
US Abuses at Iraqi Prison. Video Clip of Militants available here
begin 644 American Beheaded.pif
Attachment decoded: American Beheaded.pif
`
end
Oh, well.
http://www.media-alliance.org/mediafile/22-1/schecter.html
Information Warriors
Pentagon's Ministry of Truth shapes war coverage
by Danny Schechter,
MediaChannel.org
IO is an acronym we haven't seen too much in the flow of reporting from
every media pore over the course of our "holy war" on terror. But "I"
and "O" are two letters that have great importance among those charged
with steering and massaging media coverage to insure that it puts the
military in the best possible light.
"IO," short for Information Operations, is the Pentagon's Ministry of
Truth in the best "1984" sense of the term. Now it is time for us to
focus in, and eye-o, open our eyes to how this increasingly
sophisticated military science works and why it has been so effective in
shaping our images and ideas about a faraway war on many fronts.
There is an excellent exposé about this by former Associated Press
correspondent Maud S. Beelman, director of the International Consortium
of Investigative Journalists, a project of the Center of Public
Integrity, in a provocative issue of Nieman Reports, the journal of
Harvard's Nieman Fellows in Journalism. (Vol. 55 # 4 Winter 2001)
"IO groups together information functions ranging from public affairs to
military deception and psychological operations or PSYOP," she writes.
"What this means is that people whose job traditionally has been to talk
to the media and divulge truthfully what they are able to tell, now work
hand-in-glove with those whose job it is to support battlefield
operations with information, not all of which may be truthful."
An August 1996 U.S. Army field manual, 100-6, puts it pointblank:
"Information is the currency of victory." To help decode this, let us
turn to Major Gary Pounder, the chief of intelligence plans and
presentations at the College of Aerospace Doctrine Research and
Education at Maxwell Air Force Base. (That's a mouthful. Somehow I doubt
this college of high-tech war-fighting study mounts a cheerleading
squad!) "IO practitioners," he explains, "must recognize that much of
the information war will be waged in the public media." The military
thus needs public affairs specialists "to become full partners in the IO
planning and execution process developing the skills and expertise
required to win the media war."
Fighting On Three Fronts
There you have it. The Pentagon has set out to win at least three wars,
the one on the battlefield of the moment, the so-called war for hearts
and minds in the countries under attack and "the media war." To
translate further, we rely on blunt diplobully Richard Holbrooke, a
Balkans negotiator and former UN ambassador, who, true to form, doesn't
mince words. "Call it public diplomacy or public affairs, or
psychological warfare or," he pauses, to cut through this fog, "if you
really want to be blunt--propaganda."
So let's be blunt: IO is a way of obscuring and sanitizing that
negative-sounding term "propaganda" so that our "information warriors"
can do their thing with a minimum of public attention as they seek to
engineer friendly write ups and cumulative impact. They do this by
pursing several strategies:
1. Overloading the Media. IO operates in some conflicts by providing too
much information. During the Kosovo War, briefers at NATO's headquarters
in Belgium boasted that this was the key to information control. "They
would gorge the media with information," Beelman writes, quoting one as
saying, "'When you make the media happy, the media will not look for the
rest of the story.'" How's that for being blunt?
2. Ideological Appeals. We saw an appeal to patriotism and safeguarding
the national interest in the fall when Condaleezza Rice and other Bush
administration officials persuaded the networks to kill bin Laden videos
and other Al-Jazeera work. This is nothing new. All administrations try
to seduce and co-opt the media. Back in 1950, President Harry S. Truman
appealed to top newspaper editors to back the cold war with a "campaign
for truth" in which "our great public information channels," as
Secretary of State Dean Acheson referred to the media, would enlist.
Nancy Berhard, author of "U.S. Television News and Cold War Propaganda,
1947-1960"(Cambridge University Press 1999), says "none of the assembled
newsmen blanched" at Truman's "enlistment to propagandize."
It is this ideological conformity and world view that makes it
relatively easy for a well-oiled and sophisticated IO propaganda machine
to keep the U.S. media in line, with the avid cooperation of the
corporate sector, which owns and controls most media outlets. Some of
those companies, such as NBC parent General Electric, have long been a
core component of that nexus of shared interests that President
Eisenhower called the military-industrial complex. As Noam Chomsky and
others have argued, that complex has expanded into a military,
industrial and MEDIA complex, in which IO is but one refinement.
3. Spinning Information. We see this every day at Pentagon briefings
where what's really happening is, at best, secondary. For example, the
weekly Washington Post edition of January 14-20, 2002 tells how
reporters who scoured the bombed-out ruins of the town of Qalai Niazi in
Afghanistan found an estimated 80 civilians dead, yet little or no
evidence of Taliban or Al Qaeda forces. The villagers they interviewed
insisted "there was nothing of the Taliban here." Yet most of the media
minimized their own findings and instead relied on pronouncements by
Pentagon officials who insisted that they were right to bomb the village
to smithereens. In Washington, Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld gave the
story what struck me as an IO spin: "There were multiple intelligence
sources that qualified the target," he insisted. No reporter challenged
him to produce evidence. Rummy's words were enough, apparently because
he is so personable, in a aw-shucks kind of way. In the end, newspapers
like the Post always seem to conclude that what their reporters saw is
insufficient. "There is much that is not known and maybe never will be
about what happened on that December night," concludes Edward Cody, who
filed the dispatch. Translation: No one is to blame, especially not the
U.S.
4. Withholding Information. Sorry, I am not at liberty to explain. But
do I really have to? Says Ted Gup, who teaches journalism at Case
Western Reserve University in Cleveland and writes about the secret
lives of CIA operatives says: "[I]t is easy operating behind the curtain
of secrecy to conceal setbacks and pronounce progress." Underline that
word "easy."
5. Co-Option And Collusion. But why do we in the media go along with
this approach time and again? We are not stupid. We are not robots. Too
many of us have DIED trying to get this story (and other stories). Ask
any journalists and they will tell you that no one tells them what to
write or what to do. Yet there is a homogenized flavor and Pentagon echo
to much coverage of this war that shames our profession. Why? Is it
because reporters buy into the ideology of the mission? Because there
are few visible war critics to provide dissenting takes? Or is it
because information management has been so effective as to disallow any
other legitimate approach? An uncritical stance is part of the problem.
Disseminating misinformation often adds up to an inaccurate picture of
where we are in this war.
Stratfor.com, a global intelligence consultant, says the media have been
reporting the war as a great victory, while the Pentagon itself is
saying that the war in Afghanistan is just the first battle and they are
planning for six more years, with consequences unknown. Here is
Statfor's take: "Coverage of the 'war on terrorism' has reversed the
traditional role between the press and the military. Abandoning the
hypercritical coverage of the past, the media have become cheerleaders
allowing the conflict in Afghanistan to become synonymous with the war
at large and portraying that war as an unalloyed success. The reversal
of roles between media and military creates public expectations that can
affect the prosecution of the war."
Another disclosure appears in a January 2002 New Yorker article, where
Seymour Hersh reveals that Pakistan, with U.S. permission, airlifted out
its own military officers from Konduz on the eve of a battle. His
version of these events contradicts the impression we had at the time of
an American stance that explicitly prohibited any negotiations or
escapes by forces under attack.
Pentagon-Media Rules
After the Gulf War, the bureau chiefs of the networks sat down with the
Pentagon to work out guidelines that would permit independent access and
end the pool system used during Desert Storm by the military to manage
the press so successfully. The negotiations took eight months of
haggling within the media and between media and Pentagon
representatives. Nine general principles were agreed on. The key one was
this: "Open and independent reporting will be the principal means of
coverage of U.S. military operations."
Once the "War on Terror" began, the Pentagon reaffirmed its commitment
to these principles and then promptly forgot about them, applying an IO
strategy of appearing to be open but defining the terms and framing the
story themselves whenever possible. Did the media chiefs yell bloody
murder? Hell no. They bent over and seemed to forget that independence
should govern the relationship between Washington and those that write
about its machinations.
I will give the last word to Stanley Cloud, who ran Time magazine's
Vietnam reporting and was one of the post-Gulf War media negotiators:
"No government can be depended upon to tell the truth, the whole truth,
and nothing but the truthespecially not when that government makes
mistakes or misjudgments in war time. The natural inclination then is to
cover up, to hide, and the press's role, in war even more than in peace,
is to act as a watchdog and truth seeker."
If the press is not playing this role, it may be because the media are
no match for IO specialists who have learned all too well how to
massage, manipulate and manage the coverage.
Danny Schechter is executive editor of MediaChannel.org. His latest
book is News Dissector: Passions, Pieces and Polemics 1960-2000, from
Akashic Books. He can be reached at: ***@mediachannel.org.
--
http://www.geocities.com/snuhsite
-------
/ \
/ \ /-----\
| (@) | | SnuH |
| (O) | \_ ___/
| / | ||
| \ /_ / //
\ \____/ / /
\ /
\_____,